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WE ARE BECOMING A NATION AND ARE ADOPTING A 
CHRISTIAN POLICY. 



A THANKSGIVING SERMOK 

PREACHED IN WASHINGTON, NOVEMBER 28, 1867. 

By Rev. C. B.BOYNTON, D. D., 

-haplain of the united states house of representatives. 



Psalm 72,-2-3-4. 

He shall judge thy peopla wtih righteousness and 
thy poor with judgment. The mountains shall bring 
pe'ece to the people, and the little hills, by righteous- 
ness He shall judge the poor of the people, he shall 
save the children of the needy, and shall break in pieces 
the oppressor. 

This is a part of the description which 
God Himself has given us of a perfect gov- 
ernment. It embraces several important 
particulars. It has one supreme controll- 
ing power. It is a centralized government. 
Its policy is based on the eternal right. It 
is stable^ because righteousness and justice 
are the habitation of the throne. It affords 
perfect protection to the whole people, es. 
pecially to the poor and needy, and it breaks 
in pieces the power of every oppressor. — 
It protects and rewards the good and faith- 
ful, it restrains and punishes the wicked. 

This government will yet take the place 
of all others on earth as the ultimate out- 
growth and fruit of the Gospel, as the po- 
litical expression of the principles of Christ; 
and all governments now existing are right 
or wrong, profitable or injurious to human- 
ity, according as they resemble this perfect 
Commonwealth of Jesus. 



| pose to set forth some of the reasons for 
this opinion. 

We should be thankful that our manifest 
tendency is to become a nation, with a cen- 
tral power strong enough to control the 
whole, and protect the whole, and that we 
are passing from a lower to a higher form 
of national life. All the organizations of 
the universe have been constituted by God, 
upon the same general plan. Without ex- 
ception, they have each a central controlling 
power that governs all, while every indi- 
vidual member has perfect freedom to act 
and expand in its own sphere to the full 
measure of its capacity — each part linked 
to every other, and all responsible to and 
guided by the Common Head. These are all 
symbols of the higher government of God 
over intelligent creatures ; a government 
which I should call a perfect democracy, 
with an absolute central power at its head : 
a State in which every creature has entire 
freedom to pursue its happiness, and to per- 
fect its nature in its own sphere within the 
limits prescribed by the Supreme Power 
that legislates for and governs all. To this 



As followers of the Lord, we should be I Perfectly free, yet centralized government 
thankful for our American institutions ex- of God ' creation P oillts b ? al1 its ^ 
actly in proportion as they exhibit now tho forms - In ever y P art lt symbolizes the 
spirit of Christ, or tend to produce here- 1 government of God. 

after a perfect Christian state. Viewing in | Even inorganic matter chrystalizes upon 
this light of the Bible the policy and insti- 1 a centre, the one guiding atom giving shape 
tutions of our country, have we reason to I and position to all the rest; but in living 
be thankful to-day? I think so, and pro- j forms this idea is still more clearly express- 



a 



ed. Life ever organizes itself upon a gov- 
erning centre. Sever the connection be- 
tween the parts and this central life pow- 
er, and that is death ; member falls away 
from member, moulders and disappears. 

The plants that delight us with their 
graceful beauty have been unfolded each 
from its own central life germ, and that one 
power has held supreme control overall its 
growth, shaping every bud, and branch and , 
flower, deciding the shape, the color, the 
fragrance, governing all, and yet each bud, 
and leaf and flower and ripened fruit has 
been free to perfect itself in its own sphere, 
while yielding obedience ever to the one 
supreme controlling life. Separate this 
living structure from its central life, and 
even the tough oak that the hurricane could 
not tear up, or the pine that a thousand 
winter storms could not break, perishes 
branch after branch, and then the great 
trunk trembles and totters and falls, a dis- 
organized dead mass that crumbles and dis- 
appears. 

The animal organization affords a still 
better illustration. Suppose a perfect bodily 
structure of a brute, or a man. Place every 
bone in position, every muscle where it be- 
longs, and every blood vessel and every 
nerve in its own proper place, and without 
the central life, it would not be an organi- 
zation, there would be neither sensation 
nor motion. Could we impart to each mem- 
ber a separate life, the body would be 
wrenched asunder with convulsions, but give 
the proper controlling, guiding life, to which 
each member yields prompt and certain obe- 
dience, and it becomes a perfect organiza- 
tion, a thing of harmonious activity, of beau- 
ty and of power. Every living body with 
its one supreme law-giving head is a beauti- 
ful symbol of the grander organization of 
the government of God. 

The heavens, alsOj in their glorious order, 
present us with an emblem of- the same 
great truth. The Btarry hosts of the Lord 
are organized upon governing centres. 

The Sun is our monarch star. The plan- 



ets of our system, each moving freely in its 
own orbit, are all controlled by the one cen- 
tral orb. But He, in turn, yields obedience 
to a higher power,and with all his train, moves 
round a remote centre, and thus the heaven- 
ly order rises, group above group, and sys- 
tem above system, until the final centre that 
governs all, is found in the City and Throne 
of God. The existence of different orders 
of arch -angels shows that the heavenly 
hosts are organized upon the same plan, the 
different bodies obeying a central ruler, and 
Christ the head of all. 

This one idea then governs every orga- 
nized structure in creation and God him- 
self has supplied us with no other form of 
organized existence, whether in the politi- 
cal structure or in the living body. It com- 
bines the two ideas of perfect freedom for 
the subject or citizen, with supreme control 
in the central governing power ; and I re- 
peat that this is the only idea of govern- 
ment presented in the whole universe of 
God. Whether we look to his own vast em- 
pire as a wh©le, or study the different parts, 
it is everywhere the same — and when ap- 
plied to a human government it produces a 
perfect Christian democracy with a supreme 

power for its head. 

This was the exact form which Christ the 
King of the Jews prescribed, for the He- 
brew State. Every Jew was perfectly free 
in his own proper sphere, free to do right, 
the only liberty to which any creature is 
entitled, free to seek his happiness and his 
full development as a man according to the 
law of the Supreme power that governed 
and'guidedall. It was a Theocratic Democ- 
racy. No people on earth have ever enjoy- 
ed so true a freedom, or such ^reat prosper- 
ity as the Jews, no long as they were satis- 
led with this perfect government of God. 

A true life then, whether of a living 
creature, or a nation, ever organizes itself 
upon one supreme controlling power, and 
without this a government, a nation, is im- 
possible. 

Life organizes and concentrates itself up- 
on a governing head; death destroys this 



central life; separates member from member, 
and leaves the whole a ruin. 

The -question of slavery, great as it was, 
was by no means the most important one 
of the war. That concerned directly the 
state of four millions of people. There was 
another that involved not only their destiny, 
but that of the thirty millions of white 
men. That question was, whether the body 
politic should be torn — member from mem- 
ber, and left with no common life, or con- 
necting bond, to perish, each in convulsions; 
or, whether this great people should pass out 
of their half organized condition into the 
higher nobler forms of a free national life, 
grand enough for the great continent which 
God has made our inheritance. 

We may well thank God that the rebel- 
lion was made on that great issue, and that 
while slavery was destroyed as one of the 
necessities of the war, the grander decision 
was also virtually reached; that their shall 
be on this continent one American nation. 

The national sentiment is daily growing 
stronger, nor do the late elections give any 
evidence to the contrary. Side issues may be 
presented to embarrass or hinder, but out of 
the ruins of old systems crumbled by the shock 
of war, there are rising around us like a 
continent from beneath the waves, the great 
outlines of an American nationalty. 

It requires very little reflection to see where 
the central and supreme power of this 
nation must be. There can be no tripartite 
division of sovereignty between a Legisla- 
ture, an Executive, and a Court. The law- 
making power is of necessity supreme, the 
power which prescribes the law, the rule of 
life is, of course, the controlling power. A 
Court decides what the law is, and the Exe- 
cutive enforces its provisions. It is said the 
Legislature must be controlled by the Con- 
stitution. The time is coming, and even 
now is, when the American people will ask 
what is right, and what do our present ne- 
cessities require, and if they find a wrong 
thing in the Constitution they will remove 
it, and if the Constitution made for us while 



we were young, is now too small and unfit- 
ting, we shall enlarge and change it, or get 
an entirely new political garment suited 
to us as we now are, and to this present 
time. The age of the formation of the Con- 
stitution has passed with nearly all its for- 
mer usages and instruments of every kind. 
The Constitution was a political machine, 
invented then, and the genius of our peo- 
ple, that has cast aside nearly all the tools 
and processes of that time, and given us 
far better ones, may invent a new and bet- 
ter machine for government. 

We do not use the old sickle and scythe 
because our fathers did, nor retain the old 
slow coaches in which they rode, nor the old 
guns with which they fought, nor the ships 
oh which they sailed. Many grave ques- 
tions have already arisen which the Consti- 
tution cannot settle, because our fathers 
were not prophets, and could not forsee the 
wants of a coming age. 

The constitution was made for this nar- 
row strip of land between the Alleghanies 
and the sea. We must now form a govern- 
ment for an almost boundless continent. 
We must have a constitution fitted to this 
new time, which can protect and elevate 
humanity in all this North America, and in 
our American Islands of the sea, a consti- 
tion that can meet all the wants and ar- 
range round one common centre all the in- 
terests of a people dwelling between the 
two great oceans, the isthmus and the poles, 
and shape them to the forms of a christian 
nation. We may well thank God that we 
are tending so swiftly towards a nationality 
grander and mightier than earth has ever 
seen, one which will combine and express 
the will of a hundred millions of educated 
people, and whose political ' institutions, 
whose science, literature, and art, no less 
than its churches and religious associations, 
shall form one noble system of christian 
civilization, one consecrated to Christ and 
humanity. 

We will have an American nation be- 
cause we want an American national char- 



acter. No aggregation of mere States 
could create this. Loyalty to the true 
national idea is a far more ennobling feel- 
ing than the mere local attachment to a 
State. The last can make a partizan 
narrow and bigoted, it may produce a New 
Englander, a Virginian, but the other will 
create Americans, with a continental type 
of character that respects itself as an origi- 
nal creation of God designed for this West- 
ern World. We will have an American 
nation in order that we may wield a great 
nation's power, because that, and that 
alone, will secure for us peace with Europe, 
until Europe itself is changed. Let us cul- 
tivate all friendly relations with every 
other people, and especially with our mother 
land. I hope we shall ever rejoice to honor 
all the noble men of England who have 
proved themselves our friends and the 
friends of freedom and of right, but they 
unfortunately are not the England with 
which we have to deal. The men who 
control the Government of England are of 
another spirit, and we shall make a dangerous 
mistake if we are led to believe that the 
English Government cherishes towards this 
Republic any feeling of friendship. The 
political, the commercial, the ecclesiastical, 
the most powerful literary forces of Eng- 
land are against us still, and these control 
Great Britain. 

We would have an American nation that 
we may also have an American art, I can- 
not believe that the human mind stopped 
short and finally, thousands of years ago 
with the beautiful creations of Greece. 
Christianity shall yet glorify art, and 
where should we more naturally look for a 
)ir>w era in art, for original creations of 
genius than on this continental theatre, 
and under the influence of unshackled 
American thought. We would have a 
i;il literature, which, while it acknowl- 
edges all it owes to the thought and culture 
of England, shall be the expression of 
American thought in American forms of 
speech. 



Last Sabbath a man asked me if Mr. 
Hall was to preach at the Capitol? I an- 
swered, yes. Is he an Englishman? he 
asked. Yes. Does he speak American? 
I think the questioner was not himself an 
American. His questions however may 

vet have a real significance. The English 

» .... 

language is growing because it is a living- 
language. It is not now what it was two 
hundred years ago, and there may yet be 
here a nobler, purer, stronger form of that 
English tongue, and it may be pertinent to 
inquire of a Briton whether he speaks 
American. 

For the same reason, and in the same 
spirit, that I said a few days since in this 
place to the black man, be a true inde- 
pendent black man, would I say to all my 
countrymen, white or black, be independ- 
ent, self-respecting Americans, and aid tc* 
build here a true American nation. It 
would perhaps be well for us to remember 
that in our hour of weakness and distress 
England sent to us no eloquent missionaries 
of peace. Fleets of swift steamers bearing 
aid and comfort to our foe were the visitors 
then, the mailed Warrior frigate was to be 
sent to this Potomac then, bearing Eng- 
land's menace, and it was after we had 
created a navy that could defy her own, it 
was after one of our new war ships lay in 
the Thames, which, as Englishmen admit- 
ted, could have destroyed any ship of their 



navy, 



it was after that English Alabama 



went to the bottom under the fire of the 
Kearsage, it was after it was found that 
American artillery could smash the sides 
of her strongest iron-clads, that England 
discovered how much she loves America. 
I would strengthen that- affection and 
render it perpetual, by creating here an 
American nation so strong that friendship 
for us would be safer than hostility. If 
on the bills we have rendered to England 
lor those ships whose conflagration lighted 
up the seas we would write received pay- 
ment in full in friendly words, it would be 
a ve.y pleasant thing for England, but 
would it increase the confidence of the 



American merchants in the justice and pro- 
tection of their Government? 

We would have an American nation pre- 
sented unto this people in its grandeur, and 
glory, and power, in its beneficence and 
justice, until the national life should become 
so sacred and so precious that no man could 
lift his hand in rebellion against it, and 
escape by any possibility a traitor's proper 
doom. 

This leads me to observe that in order to 
fulfil its great mission the American nation 
must have the characteristics of the govern- 
ment described in the text. It must exe- 
cute justice against the wicked, and it must 
defend the weak. Towards this also we 
are tending, and for it we should be thankful. 
We may give to this opinion a more general 
form and say that we should thank God 
that the principles of Christ are becoming 
more and more a controlling power in the 
policy of the American Government. 1 
will endeavor to show that this is true by the 
mention of several particulars. If we go 
baek no farther than the beginning of the 
rebellion, and study the discussions of 
public affairs by our leading statesmen, 
we shall find scarcely an allusion mack to 
moral or religious considerations as an 
element in the debate. Politics and re- 
ligion were almost entirely sundered, and 
the gravest questions ever presented to a 
nation were too often discussed and decided, 
as if there were no God to whom nations 
are responsible, and no external right by 
which to measure our actions. The ques- 
tion asked was, not what is just, what does 
the law of God demand, but how shall our 
Union be preserved? The preservation of 
the Union was exalted above justice and 
mercy, above human rights, and even the 
throne of God. And from this practical 
atheism God brought us back step by step 
by the terrible scourgings of war. By 
blow after blow that made the nation reel, 
we were forced back to the recognition of 
God. We were taught that human rights 
were more sacred than even the Union, and 
that human constitutions cannot annihilate 
the brotherhood of man. When the war 



closed, God was re-enthroned in the con- 
science and intellect of the nation if not in 
the heart, and the people had been taught 
in solemn lessons the necessity and majesty 
of law, and the propriety of penalty and 
punishment as a shield for the virtuous and 
loyal. They had learned that mercy Avith- 
out justice, is weakness and cruelty. The 
elementary principles of God's own govern- 
ment had entered not only into public 
thought, but into the policy of the nation. 
The American people, during the war, made 
long strides towards the position of a Chris- 
tian nation. 

We come here to what I consider a cause 
for special thanksgiving : the manner in 
which since the war, the nation has been 
saved from an attempt at utter demoraliza- 
tion on the one"hand, andin which Christian 
principles on the other side, have been firmly 
asserted in every great measure of policy. 
The first step in corrupting the public con- 
science of the land, was the effort of a great 
party, first to weaken, and then to remove 
the feeling so intense during the war, that 
the rebellion was a crime, and that leading 
traitors should be punished. 

First, we heard soft words about the 
Christ-like character of mercy, of the un- 
christian character of what was called re- 
venge, of the beauty of that benevolence 
which would repair the breach and heal the 
wounds of the war. All this meant forgive- 
ness of the unrepenting and bitter rebel, 
persecution for the loyal white, and the per- 
petual degradation of the blacks. This was 
not clearly seen at first. Then this cruel 
and corrupting mercy was exercised, and on 
every side rebels started up relieved of all 
disabilities, more insolent than ever, glory- 
ing in their crimes, and styling themselves 
heroes. The demand was proudly made 
that they should be freed from every impu- 
tation of wrong, and restored to their orig- 
inal position in the Government, with more 
than their former power, with the black race 
still under their feet. It was startling to 
consider to what an extent these efforts had 
corrupted the public mind; how the crime of 



rebellion in the minds of thousands, first 
lost its bloody hue, and then was bleached 
to purity, and then was tinged with glory. 
During the war, indignation against the 
rebels and a just horror of their great crime, 
was so great as to overbear in great meas- 
ure the pride and prejudice of race, and the 
loyal blacks were esteemed better and more 
worthy than the rebel w T hites ; and this was 
christian justice. But in proportion as the 
guilt of rebellion was diminished in the minds 
of the people, and the rebels were talked of 
and thought of, only as our Southern breth- 
ren, not as criminals that had reddened the 
land with blood, and wet it with tears, and 
piled it with corpses, in that same proportion 
the exileddevils of pride of race, and preju- 
dice against blacks, returned to the house 
they had temporarily left, and the extent of 
this vitiating process,this return towards the 
godless state of our politics before the war, 
is measured by the late elections. 

This was and is our danger. In this light 
only can we measure the gratitude we ought 
to feel to those who have erected and held 
firm unto this present, the only barrier to 
this sweeping tide of moral ruin. Every 
great measure of the 39th and 40th Congress 
has tended to hold the nation steady on the 
firm basis of Christian principles. Every- 
one has been an assertion in some form of 
the great doctrine of Christ, and for the suc- 
cess of these measures thus far, Ave should 
be as Christians, especially thankful to God. 
All these measures have been directed to two 
great ends. First, that treason should not 
pass without some punishment that should 
mark it as a crime against God and man! 
Second, that every man in this land should 
be invested with, and secured in every just 
civil and political right, and this is to place 
our Government, thus far, on the basis of the 
Gospel. To this extent, these measures 
make us a Christian nation. 

The Civil Rights bill, and the granting 
and securing the righl of suffrage to the 
blacks in this District, were a clear and de- 
cisive assertion of the equality and brother- 
hoodofmen, as sot forth by Christ Himself; 



it is the formal introduction of a new prin- 
ciple into American legislation ; and in the 
so-called reconstruction measures, this prin- 
ciple was extended over all the South. But 
these enactments also asserted and do still 
maintain another great Christian doctrine : 
the necessity of penal justice. It was be- 
yond the power of these legislators to arrest 
and punish the leaders of the rebellion in the 
usual way, but they have done what they 
could to prevent the utter confounding of 
right and wrong; they refused to admit that 
there is no crime in treason; and they decided 
that some of the chief instigators of this re- 
bellion should for a time, have no share in 
the control of that Government which they 
sought to destroy. It was a bold and manly 
setting forth of Christian justice; it was a 
declaration of the sacredness of Government, 
of the value of law, of the worth of loyalty, 
of the guilt of treason ; and I thank God 
that unrepenting, bitter disloyalty, stands 
before the world to-day wearing this brand 
of its infamy.; — this proof that the nation 
retains yet so much of moral soundness. 
True, these measures placed great power in 
the hands of ignorant and inexperienced 
black men. but we have given the same to 
equally ignorant white men, and we cannot ' 
discriminate against a race, and that, too, 
was done in the spirit of the Gospel. Be- 
sides, when the rebellion forced upon us the 
choice between restoring political power to 
the man who was still a traitor in heart, 
though educated, and giving it to the true- , 
hearted and loyal black, the choice could not i 
have been other than it was, without placing 
our necks beneath the rebel heel; — without 
trampling all justice down, and insulting 
the very Government of God. 

We snail all rejoice when every white^ 
man, through heartfelt-loyalty shall regain 
all the rich',-; which treason has forfeited — p 

For bhese reasons, friends, we ought to ! |% 
thank God for the influence which the prin-'fiDn, 
ciples of Christ are exerting upon the mcas-'loldi 
hits of our Government, and we may still'l^ 
battle on for the right; trusting that the'ps 
tin!" will yet come, when this glorious Gos-Ffi; 



pel of Jesus shall vitalize, and purify, and 

elevate, and control the whole policy of the 

nation, and thus become the laud of Tm- 

manuel. — 

Another exhibition of the Christianity of 

of this country for which we ougn't to he 

thankful, is the result of the application of 

the Gospel to public policy ; first in freeing, 

and then in elevating the black race. No 

missionary effort of the world liars achieved 

so sudden and so great a success as that in 

behalf of the blacks of this land. It has 

brought a new race upon the theatre of 

American life, and all possible influences 

I! are being exerted to cherish this newborn 

ji people, and bring them to the maturity of 

jj manhood. The rapidity with which they are 

i| rising in society, is without a parallel in the 

.history of man. The prosperity of their 

(schools, the increasing number of scholars 

I and the swift progress which the pupils are 

|j making, gives most cheering promise for 

the future. In their churches, and in every 

organization which they have formed, there 

jis the same gratifying succ ess, and there is 

every reason to believe that they will devel- 

|bpe a new type of Christian civilization 

which may improve in some respects our 
^wn. 

We may well thank God for this birth 
and growth of a people — 

And now, let me briefly inquire by what 
measures we are most likely to succeed in 
taking this, indeed, a Christian nation— 

We can only do it by holding steadfastly to 
he right, Any backward step, any yield- 
■ng of principle, any measure dictated by 
neve political expediency, will now surely 
lefeat the party of freedom. Any party 
hat fails to insist at all hazards upon secur- 
ing to all men, every civil and political right, 
vill be withered up in the indignant breath of 
he Lord. Faith in God— in the right— in all 
umanity— must be watch words on the 
anner of any party that would succeed. 
Soldness, courage to dare and do the right, 
p execute justice, are also necessary to the 
j.iceess of any party, a weak irresolute, 
|ltering leadership, the people will not 



follow. The party that carried the country 
through the war, that won unfading honor 
by its moral victories as well as on the bat- 
tle field, would be disgraced now before the 
world, by yielding one single.position which 
it has gained, or if it fails to seize every ad- 
vantage, and j ustly, properly within its reach. 
A little irresolution, one backward step, and 
such is human nature that it will lie desert- 
ed by the people. Enthusiasm for a great 
and tru£ idea, steady adherence to a noble 
purpose will surely triumph in the end : be- 
cause God himself is pledged to the true 
and righteous cause. 

Again, to secure success for the cause of 
Christian freedom, we must have a free pul- 
pit, to' apply the principles of Christ to the 
policy of the Government, until our whole 
political structure is a glorious temple illu- 
minated by the light of the Gospel. The 
best hope of the country rests on the fact 
that American politics are becoming insep- 
arably twined with morals and religion ; to 
sever them would be to give the state over 
to practical atheism — 

A very startling exhibition of this doc- 
trine has lately been made in the assump- 
tion that mere moral delinqueucy forms no 
ground of proceeding against a public offi- 
cer ; that a man may use the whole power 
of high position to obstruct the progress of 
Christian civilization, and to confound those 
eternal distinctions of right and wron«- 
which God Himself has established, that he 
may sear the public conscience, and cor- 
rupt the heart of the people : that he can 
cherish vice and discourage virtue, support 
the traitor and punish the loyal — that an 
officer of this Government can do all this, 
and yet constitute no ground for proceed- 
ing against him : that he may sin at will 
against God, morality and religion, with 
impunity unless in addition to this he vio- 
lates some statute law of the United States. 
This is virtually to deny the authority of 
God ; it h to deny that this Government has 
any moral basis • it is to deny that this is a 
Christian state ; it is practical Atheism. 



8 



Finaly. we need a church that will enter 
upon the especial ..work of evangelizing the 
masses ; the fact that millions in this land 
could be persuaded to vote as they did on 
such issues as were presented at the late 
elections, should startle every Christian. 
It shows where the great field of Christian 
effort lies, among the people, among the poor. 
They must be Evangilized or we shall be 
lost. We neeed churches that will go down 



as Christ did to the lowest state of society : 
churches which while they seek not to 
confound distinctions that God Himself has 
established, shall make no discrimination 
against race, color, or condition : but with 
the Almighty power of the Gospel, place 
themselves under the whole broad mass of 
humanity, and lift it to the high level of 
Christian civilization. — 



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